NIGERIA , AFRICA AND THE WORLD
IN THE NEXT MILLENNIUM

Statement by President Olusegun Obasanjo
At the General Debateof the 54th Session of the United NationsGeneral Assembly

New York, September 23, 1999

Mr. President,

A little over two decades ago, I addressed this Assembly as Head of a Military Government in Nigeria. On that occasion, the central focus of my statement was the urgent need to terminate colonial rule in Namibia and Rhodesia, as it was, and dismantle the racist regime in Apartheid South Africa. Today, it is a great source of joy for me personally, and for my delegation, that a distinguished son of Namibia and a brother in the struggle, is presiding over the affairs of the 54th session of the UN General Assembly. On behalf of the Nigerian Government and People, I bring to you warm greetings and congratulations on your well-deserved election as the President of this Assembly, the last session in this century. The fraternal relations and friendship existing between the Federal Republic of Nigeria and your country, Namibia, are long-standing and very cordial. My delegation therefore assures you of its full cooperation and unwavering support throughout your tenure.

May I also convey, through you, Mr. President, our deep appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the able and efficient manner with which he conducted the proceedings of the 53rd session.

Our appreciation also goes to the Secretary General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, for his visionary leadership and the invaluable work of the Secretariat under his stewardship.

Permit me also to warmly welcome, on behalf of my country and Delegation, the Kingdom of Tonga, which has just joined this family of nations as the 188th member.

Mr. President,

I stand before this Assembly today very proud to represent a democratic Nigeria after the termination of many years of military rule. This could not have been achieved without the support of the international community. I therefore seize this opportunity to convey to this gathering the profound appreciation of all Nigerians, at home and abroad, for the international support and encouragement, which combined so effectively with the relentless determination of Nigerians themselves to transform and reconstitute their country into a vibrant democracy.

Our Administration has raised the hopes of Nigerians, and their expectations are correspondingly high. We are, however, fully aware of the enormity of the challenges that we face. But our commitment to success is total. We are fully resolved to tackle our numerous social, economic and political problems head on. And by the Grace of God, we will not fail.

Since assuming office barely four months ago, our Administration has taken a number of measures, and put in place an institutional framework for the purpose of reconciling competing interests and groups in our society. Politically, all democratic institutions, from the local to the national level, are now operating effectively within a system of checks-and-balances provided for in our Constitution. Moreover, we have opted for a policy of inclusiveness in all our appointments, with a Cabinet, for instance, in which all registered political parties are represented, thus moving away from the divisive practice of "winner-take-all".

Our Administration has initiated policies aimed at re-vitalising the economy in order to create an enabling environment for investment and economic growth. We have also put in place an appropriate legal framework that aims at protecting all foreign investments, and facilitating the repatriation of legitimate profit.

Other measures we have taken include:

a vigorous anti-corruption campaign;

the promotion of transparency and accountability in public life;

the abolition of decrees and regulations which had hindered inflows of foreign investment;

the generation of opportunities for employment and income savings for domestic investment;

privatisation of some key state enterprises such as electricity and telecommunications;

legislation to redress obvious cases of neglect and injustice done to ethnic minorities, particularly in the oil-producing areas of the Niger Delta region, and deal with the massive problems of the environment

investigation of past human rights violations with a view to promoting and protecting fundamental freedoms.

strengthening the capacity of the law enforcement agencies to protect law and order as well as security, and to deal more effectively with the problem of drug trafficking;

Mr. President,

Africa is indeed proud and glad to see the end of this century coincide with the total elimination of colonialism and the twin menace of constitutionalised racism in the southern part of the continent. And the United Nations deserves commendation for the essential role it has played in this process.

But permit me, Mr. President, to pay tribute to the thousands who lost their lives in the struggle for freedom so that those of us alive today can proudly say we have the destiny of the continent in our own hands. It is, however, a destiny which poses monumental challenges which must be confronted with vigour.

AFRICA AND GLOBALISATION

Mr. President,

As we approach the dawn of the new millennium, the defining feature of our increasingly interdependent world is accelerated globalisation, and the liberalisation of production, trade, investment and finance. Initially, globalisation and liberalisation were recognised as offering new opportunities and challenges, to hold the promise of faster economic growth, greater employment opportunities and the speedy alleviation of poverty, particularly in the developing countries.

The popular belief was that a globalised economy, propelled by advances in science and technology, and the liberalisation of markets, finance and industry would create conditions in which all countries would benefit. But the current reality is today quite different. Globalisation, in its various manifestations, is already experiencing a troubled relationship with the imperatives of development. Not only has the process failed to yield the envisioned benefits, it is in fact accentuating the income gap between the rich and the poor nations.

In the quest for a better and fairer management of a globalised world economy, it is now incumbent on us to direct our search light on the unsatisfactory evolution of the multilateral trading system. The developing countries participated with enthusiasm and high expectations in the historic Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations that ushered in the new rules-based, multilateral trading system (MTS) and the birth of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). They had hoped that the new trading regime would enhance their trade fortunes, facilitate their effective integration into the world economy, and arrest their marginalisation from the global trading system. In assuming commitments under the various Uruguay Round Agreements (URAs), developing countries reaffirmed the primacy of a transparent, fair and equitable rules-based multilateral trading system, thus recognising the vital role of international trade in the process of economic development.

But unfortunately, the vast majority of developing countries, particularly in Africa, have so far been unable to reap the benefits arising from their membership of the WTO. The imbalance between rights and obligations of membership is reflected in the failure of the major trading nations to faithfully implement the development dimensions of the various WTO Agreements. Africa's trade prospects continue to be hampered by the non-implementation of the special and differential provisions that favour developing countries, and the increasingly protectionist measures that are being imposed against their export products. Besides, the paucity of technical and financial assistance that would have enabled the developing countries to take advantage of the limited market access opportunities that exist, continues to deepen Africa's marginalisation in the globalised world economy.

Mr. President,

It is sad to note that Africa, the least developed of all the regions and the least able to cope with external shocks, has been the principal victim of the dark side of globalisation and liberalisation of the world economy. The continent’s continuing marginalisation is increasingly defined by its low level of exports and decreasing share in world trade during the past four decades. The consequence has been import compression, weak productivity and low output. Similarly, Africa’s share in value-added manufacturing has fallen to an all time low. Its share in total foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to development countries, for instance, dropped significantly to less than five percent in the second half of the 1990's, and to a meagre 1.2 per cent of world FDI flows in 1997. This trend has continued despite the efforts of African countries to implement far-reaching economic reforms and maintain macro-economic stability, particularly through the introduction of a more open and business-friendly investment regime, and the provision of incentives to attract foreign investment.

Agricultural performance and commodity export, upon which the African economy’s overall growth heavily depends, have faired even worse. Traditional internal structural difficulties, aggravated by external systemic constraints have rendered African agriculture unable to respond to the opportunities presented by globalisation and liberalisation. As a result, low agricultural productivity and competitiveness, and the dramatic collapse of commodity prices continue to dim the prospects of agriculture as a pillar of Africa’s efforts at poverty alleviation and sustainable development.

Mr. President,

While we recognise that globalisation is an over-arching reality of the new age, we cannot afford to resign ourselves passively to its adverse consequences. The challenge before us is to agree on collective measures and actions for the management of the combined processes of globalisation and liberalisation, with a view to maximising their benefits and minimising their adverse consequences. It is against this background that my country looks forward to the 3rd WTO Ministerial Conference, UNCTAD X and the new millennium round of trade negotiations to right these wrongs, and to fully integrate the developing countries into the multilateral trading system.

DEBT OVERHANG

Mr. President,

Without doubt, the biggest monetary and financial obstacle confronting developing countries is the chronic debt overhang. According to UN figures, the global debt of all developing countries stood at 567 billion US dollars in 1980, and 1.4 trillion US dollars in 1992. In that 12-year period, these countries made foreign debt payments totaling 1.6 trillion US dollars. Now, out of the 41 countries which the World Bank describes as Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC), 33 are African countries, a group that, some believe, is richly deserving of their own special category, called Severely Indebted Low-Income Countries (SILICs).

Today, in sub-Saharan Africa, every man, woman or child owes 357 US dollars. This is a continent where millions live in unspeakable poverty on around 100 US dollars a year, or around 27 cents a day. Many African countries now spend four times as much servicing debts, as they do on education and health care, In some instances, they spend up to 40 percent of their national budgets in doing so. Furthermore, it is reliably estimated that for every dollar given in official development aid, three US dollars go back to the rich countries in debt service payments.

Mr. President,

I make bold to assert that debt relief for developing countries is not a plea for charity, but an urgent matter of social and economic justice. It has to be redressed if there is to be peace and stability in the 21st century. We subscribe to an approach to the global debt crisis that entails engaging the rich countries on the following five main issues: Definitive debt cancellation, not just reduction or rescheduling of the debt service regime;

Eligibility limited to unpayable debts which for Africa, means the bulk of the 300 billion US dollars current stock of debt;

Cancellation of debt that is not predicated on the institutionally harsh conditionalities of the structural adjustment programmes.

Recognition on both sides of the bargaining table that lenders and borrowers share joint responsibilities for the debt crisis. And that, therefore, joint action is needed to recover resources that have been stolen by the corrupt regimes that incurred the debts in the first place;

Debt cancellation that benefits ordinary people.

Allow me to invite the attention of this Assembly to the related issue of illegal capital flight from Africa. It is an open secret that much of Africa's wealth has been illegally siphoned out of the continent by corrupt regimes and unpatriotic individuals working in collaboration with foreign partners. It has been suggested that African countries would be able to pay off large portions of their foreign debts if only half of the illegal wealth stashed abroad were repatriated. Nigeria and many other developing countries fall in this category, and we believe that the time is now for us to collectively deal with this issue.

In this regard, Mr. President, Nigeria calls for a concerted effort of the international community through an international convention for the repatriation to Africa and the Developing World of all capital illegally transferred from these countries. Such an International Convention or agreement is legally feasible and morally sustainable. It will compel participating banks to disclose the source of the illegal accounts they hold, repatriate them to the countries of rightful ownership, and subject the guilty parties to the full weight of national and international law.

Mr. President,

It is with a heavy heart that I raise the issue of the HIV AIDS pandemic throughout Africa. Our continent is bearing the brunt of this terrible disease which now kills around two million Africans annually, thus officially overtaking malaria as Africa’s number one primary health care problem. This situation is even more frightening in that it has now left six million children orphaned in eastern and southern Africa, with well over a million in Uganda alone. In West Africa, the disease has been spreading equally rapidly, aided by ignorance, government neglect, denial, and the harmful traditional practice that imposes a deadly silence over this issue in both official government circles and within households. We in Africa must, with support from the international community, seek break this conspiracy of silence, and tackle this enormous problem with vigour and determination.

NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION AND DISARMAMENTNUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION AND DISARMAMENT

Mr. President,

As we enter the next millennium, the proliferation of nuclear weapons remains a serious problem. Advancements in the science and technology of armaments and new weapons systems continue to outpace the slow process of disarmament negotiations. And, unfortunately, it is the nuclear have-nots that continue to suffer from the diversion of potential development funds into such dangerous projects.

My country has a long history of committed advocacy against nuclear weapons. We were one of the early opponents of nuclear tests conducted in Africa in the early sixties. We continue to give our unflinching support to efforts aimed at de-nuclearising the world. Our ratification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC), the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and the signing of the African Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Convention aptly testifies to our abiding commitment to building a nuclear weapons-free world. Nigeria also reaffirms her full commitment to nuclear disarmament, and urges the nuclear weapons states to speedily conclude negotiations that would eliminate nuclear weapons from the face of the earth. And in view of the destruction which they continue to cause even long after the conflicts in which they were deployed have been concluded, we also urge the United Nations and all regional organisations to more vigorously pursue the ideal of eliminating land mines from the arsenal of weapons permissible in any conflict.

CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACEKEEPING

Among the immediate challenges facing Nigeria and Africa today, is resolving the many conflicts raging on the continent. Today, as many as 19 sub-Saharan countries are engaged in armed conflicts. The negative impact of these conflicts in human, social, economic and environmental destruction does not need to be described here.

Nigeria, and indeed the entire West African sub-region have devoted considerable human, material, political and diplomatic resources to the resolution of the crises in the sub-region, starting with Liberia and subsequently Sierra Leone and Guinea-Bissau. Similar initiatives are being deployed with equal vigour and commitment in other parts of our continent, to bring warring parties to the negotiating table, and assist them in turning their swords into plough shares. The specific peacemaking efforts underway with respect to the Democratic Republic of Congo and the re-launching of the Angola peace initiative deserve mention and commendation here.

Let me hasten to add that, this does not detract from our belief in the indivisibility of peace and the primary responsibility of the United Nations to ensure its maintenance. Rather it derives from our acceptance that charity does indeed begin at home. To underscore this point, African leaders at the recent Summit of the Organisation of African Unity in Algiers, and at the urging of the Nigerian delegation, agreed to declare next year as the Year of Peace and Security and Stability in Africa. By this declaration, we have dedicated ourselves to making the year 2000 the year when Africans put all efforts into effectively eliminating armed conflicts on their continent. We hope to build on the fresh momentum for peace occasioned by the budding peace initiatives in Congo, Sierra Leone, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Angola.

We are also agreed on the overriding need to uphold codes of decency, ethics and minimum standards of decorum among African Governments and their leaderships. Gone are the days when the OAU turned a blind eye to the excesses and abuses of power by any member-government. Forceful and undemocratic changes of governments will no longer be overlooked or tolerated. We intend to condemn in absolute terms all violations of these codes, and ostracise their violators.

Mr. President,

My delegation has always believed that the threat to international peace and security from any corner of the globe should be considered a threat to the peace and security of the world as a whole. While the maintenance of international peace and security remains the primary responsibility of the Security Council, the Charter provision for the complementary role of regional and sub-regional groups has also proved to be critical to the maintenance of peace at the regional and global levels. The establishment of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) is a clear testimony of our commitment to sub-regional peace. As the records show, ECOMOG succeeded in putting an end to the Liberian war in 1997, re-instating the democratically elected President of Sierra Leone in 1998, and also bringing about the current peace agreement for Sierra Leone signed in Lome, Togo in July 1999.

We all have a clear responsibility as we move into the next millennium, to work harder for International peace and security, so that, collectively, we can achieve a world not only free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction but also free from global conflicts and instability. The time has come for the Security Council to assume its full responsibility, specifically in Sierra Leone and other flash points of conflicts in Africa. For too long, the burden of preserving international peace and security in West Africa has been left almost entirely to a few States in our sub-region. The United Nations needs to do more in providing logistics and financial support to assist regional peace-keeping and peace-building efforts as well as the welfare of Refugees.

In this regard, I cannot fail to commend here the decision of the UN Security Council to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Ruanda. I am gladdened by the Tribunal’s achievements so far to bring to justice all those who conspired in that country to foist genocidal war on it. Indeed, we are particularly pleased to note that this Tribunal has a substantial number of Africans on its staff, including its Registrar, who happens to be a Nigerian. We pledge our support for the Tribunal’s work, and call especially on all African countries to do likewise.

REFORM OF THE SECURITY COUNCILREFORM OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL

Mr. President,

My delegation believes that it has never been the purpose of the United Nations Organisation to prescribe Democracy and Change for its members and yet make little or no progress in the democratization of its own organs such as the Security Council. My delegation accordingly urges the General Assembly, during this Session, to conclude the modalities for the implementation of the United Nations Reforms especially with regards to the Reform and expansion of the Security Council during the Millennium Assembly next year – and not later. It is a matter of regret, after six consecutive sessions of the General Assembly, that the Working Group on the Reform and Expansion of the Security Council had not made any substantive recommendations for a decision to be taken by this 54th Session on this critical issue.

How can the United Nations continue to perpetuate and justify a situation whereby Africa is the only continent without a permanent seat in the Security Council? In order to promote reform and democratization of the Security Council, Africa, with 53 Member states, should be allocated at least two permanent seats, commensurate not only with the continent’s size and population, but with its track record also of contributing to the maintenance of international peace and security. The slow progress in concluding this critical subject is of serious concern to the overwhelming majority of members of this Assembly who would urge an early resolution of the issue.

Mr. President, I wish to re-affirm our belief that the United Nations is the most universal body ever designed for collectively resolving humanity’s common problems. Our organization has come a long way since its establishment 54 years ago. Although created in a different era and in different circumstances, and in spite of numerous constraints, the United Nations has continuously sought to adapt itself to the changes in the international political arena. It has been able to accomplish this to some degree, but it nevertheless remains an institution whose working methods, procedures and administrative structure has in many respects become out-dated. Yet, a world without the United Nations would be inconceivable. For it has come to symbolise hope for a better and more secure future for many, particularly in the developing world. Indeed, though a majority of our countries could not be members when it was created, we are, today, its strongest defenders and advocates of the ideals for which it stands.

In conclusion, Mr. President, there is need for stock-taking and proper assessment of the implementation of previous resolutions emanating especially from the major World Summits and Conferences which took place in this decade. Such an effort would bring us closer to the realization of the purposes and objectives of our organization. In this regard, I pledge Nigeria’s continued contributions and positive commitment to the ideals of the charter of the United Nations.

I thank you all.

 

ENDS